Day-to-day issues are seen as local, while education and energy remain national prerogatives
Day-to-day issues are largely seen as the responsibility of the local level, but education and energy remain prerogatives expected of the State. The vast majority of French people feel that transport (65%), housing (57%) and water management (56%) should be dealt with primarily at local level, as should, to a lesser extent, food (44%, compared to 56% who prefer the national level). Conversely, education and energy remain clearly perceived as areas of central government responsibility, with nearly eight out of ten French people believing that it is more appropriate to deal with them on a national scale. This first set of results reveals a clear division of roles: very concrete day-to-day issues are referred back to the mayor and the commune, while structural policies (schooling, energy) remain conceived within a national framework.
A “partially participative” municipal model, supported by citizens who are not necessarily inexperienced in politics
The French are in favor of a hybrid, partially participative municipal model, entrusted to citizens who are more apartisan but not necessarily inexperienced in politics. When asked which type of operation they felt was best suited to meeting the essential needs of their municipality’s residents, the majority of French people favored a “partially participative” model (52%), where residents are occasionally consulted on decisions, far ahead of the purely representative model (26%), or that of direct democracy (22%). This desire for a balance between representation and participation is slightly more pronounced among women (57% vs. 46% of men) and in large conurbations (57% in the Paris conurbation vs. 45% in rural communities). When it comes to identifying the most desirable profile to meet local needs, respondents clearly favor citizens who are not members of a political party (74% in total), whether or not they have already held elected office. Two profiles stand out: “ordinary citizens” who have never held office (39%) and those who have elective experience but remain non-partisan (35%). Profiles affiliated to a political party account for only a quarter of preferences overall (26%), a sign of a strong expectation of apartisanship, without rejecting political experience as such. Among French people wishing to see citizens who are not members of a political party and who have never held elective office (39%), this preference is more marked among the elderly and members of the middle class, but is less present in small communes (fewer than 10,000 inhabitants). On the other hand, those who express the wish to see citizens with no party affiliation but who already have political experience are mostly recruited from higher socio-professional categories, graduates and the most affluent households.
Citizens’ lists not yet well known, but widely desired for the 2026 municipal elections
Still poorly identified, citizens’ and participative lists are nonetheless generating a strong desire for their presence in the run-up to the 2026 municipal elections. At this stage, 57% of French people claim to know what a citizens’ and participatory list is, but only 13% claim to know “precisely” what it is, while 44% have only a vague knowledge of it and 43% have never heard of it. This more detailed knowledge increases slightly with age, and is slightly higher in big cities. Despite this relative lack of awareness, the idea has met with a very favorable response: two-thirds of French people (66%) consider it desirable for a citizens’ and participative list to run in their commune in 2026, including almost a quarter who consider it “completely” desirable (23%). Among the latter, there is a particular appetite among the middle class, working classes and people already familiar with this type of list. Only 4% express explicit hostility, while around one-fifth are undecided (19%), reflecting a still significant space for conviction, but against a background of a priori benevolence.
A sizeable pool of potential candidates, especially among young people and in small towns, who are mainly attracted by citizens’ lists
A not inconsiderable minority see themselves as potential candidates, most of them on citizens’ and participative lists, with a particularly strong presence among young people and in small communes. While the vast majority of French people (77%) dismiss the idea of running in a municipal election, almost a quarter of the population (23%) say they are nevertheless ready to consider it, including 7% who say they are “certainly” ready to take the plunge. This hard core of potential candidates is more male (10% of men vs. 5% of women) and, above all, younger: the proportion of people who “certainly” see themselves as candidates reaches 13% among 18-24 year-olds and 15% among 25-34 year-olds, before decreasing sharply with age (4% of those aged 65 and over). Within this pool, the appetite for citizen and participative lists is very clear: 75% of those who could be candidates would rather do so on this type of list, ideally apartisan, compared with only 25% who would turn to a list supported by a party. This preference for citizens’ lists is prevalent in all age groups and in municipalities with fewer than 10,000 inhabitants (88%), suggesting a significant potential for local renewal if this reservoir of intentions manages to be transformed into actual candidacies.
Contrasting territorial dynamics in relation to the local level and citizens’ lists
The South-West clearly stands out as the region most conducive to local and civic politicization: inhabitants more often than average favor local handling of everyday issues (68% for transport vs. 65% on average, 66% for water management vs. 56% on average) and above all direct democracy, cited by 42% as the ideal way for their commune to operate (vs. 22% nationally), while being the most likely to consider the presence of a citizens’ list in 2026 “entirely desirable” (38%, vs. 23% on average). The South-East also combines a rather strong appetite for citizens’ lists (27% “quite desirable”) with a higher propensity for personal commitment than elsewhere (10% “certainly” plan to run, vs. 7% on average), reflecting a fertile breeding ground for local political action.
Île-de-France, on the other hand, is characterized by a more institutional approach: Ile-de-France residents give greater priority to the national level on structuring issues such as water (55% national vs. 45% on average) or food (63% vs. 56% on average), are more supportive of a partially participative approach (58% vs. 52% on average) and are more reserved when it comes to knowledge of citizens’ lists (52% say they know what they are, below the average of 57%).
The North-East and North-West occupy intermediate positions: close to the national average on most indicators, they nevertheless express less political certainty, with higher levels of indecision on the desirability of citizens’ lists (25% “don’t know” in the North-East, and 22% in the North-West, vs. an average of 19%).
Overall, the geography of the results thus contrasts a South more favorable to citizen experimentation and the local with a more centralized and cautious Île-de-France, with the northern regions expressing a more moderate attitude.
